Sejarah Polandia: Perbedaan antara revisi

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Revisi per 20 September 2017 11.57

Sejarah Polandia bermula dari [Polandia pada Awal Abad Pertengahan|migrasi suku bangsa Slavia]] yang mendirikan pemukiman-pemukiman permanen di negeri Polandia pada Awal Abad Pertengahan. Wangsa penguasa pertama Polandia, wangsa Piast, muncul pada abad ke-10 M. Adipati Mieszko I (wafat 992) dianggap sebagai pendiri de facto negara Polandia, dan secara luas diakui sebagai tokoh yang telah berjasa dalam penyebarluasan agama Kristen mazhab barat di Polandia setelah pembaptisan dirinya pada 966. Kadipaten Polandia yang didirikan oleh Adipati Mieszko secara resmi dijadikan sebuah kerajaan Abad Pertengahan pada 1025 oleh putranya, Bolesław I Chrobry. Di antara seluruh raja wangsa Piast, mungkin Kazimierz Agunglah yang paling berjaya. Raja terakhir wangsa Piast ini memerintah pada masa-masa ketika Polandia mengenyam kemakmuran ekonomi dan mengalami pertambahan luas wilayah, sebelum mangkat tanpa waris laki-laki pada 1370. Pada masa pemerintahan raja-raja wangsa Jagiellon, yang berlangsung dari abad ke-14 sampai abad ke-16, Polandia menjalin hubungan akrab dengan Keharyapatihan Lituania, memasuki Abad Pembaharuan, dan meneruskan upaya perluasan wilayah yang mencapai puncaknya dengan pembentukan Persemakmuran Polandia-Lituania pada 1569.

After Piłsudski's death in 1935, Poland was governed until the German invasion of 1939 by old allies and subordinates known as "Piłsudski's colonels". They had neither the vision nor the resources to cope with the perilous situation facing Poland in the late 1930s. The colonels had gradually assumed greater powers during Piłsudski's life by manipulating the ailing marshal behind the scenes.^[1] Eventually they achieved an overt politicization of the army that did nothing to help prepare the country for war.^[2]

Foreign policy was the responsibility of Józef Beck, under whom Polish diplomacy attempted balanced approaches toward Germany and the Soviet Union, unfortunately without success, on the basis of a flawed understanding of the European geopolitics of his day. Beck had numerous foreign policy schemes and harbored illusions of Poland's status as a great power. He alienated most of Poland's neighbors, but is not blamed by historians for the ultimate failure of relations with Germany. The principal events of his tenure were concentrated in its last two years. In the case of the 1938 Polish ultimatum to Lithuania, the Polish action nearly resulted in a German takeover of southwest Lithuania.^[3] Also in 1938, the Polish government opportunistically undertook a hostile action against the Czechoslovak state as weakened by the Munich Agreement and annexed a small piece of territory on its borders.^[4] In this case, Beck's understanding of the consequences of the Polish military move turned out to be completely mistaken.^[5]^[6] In the end, the German occupation of Czechoslovakia ushered in by the Munich Agreement markedly weakened Poland's own position.^[7] Furthermore, Beck mistakenly believed that Nazi-Soviet ideological contradictions would preclude their cooperation.^[8]

At home, increasingly alienated minorities threatened unrest and violence and were suppressed. Extreme nationalist circles such as the National Radical Camp grew more outspoken. One of the groups, the Camp of National Unity, combined many nationalists with Sanation supporters and was connected to the new strongman, Marshal Edward Rydz-Śmigły, whose faction of the Sanation ruling movement was increasingly nationalistic.^[2]^[9]^[10]^[11]

In the late 1930s, the exile bloc Front Morges united several major Polish anti-Sanation figures, including Ignacy Paderewski, Władysław Sikorski, Wincenty Witos, Wojciech Korfanty and Józef Haller. It gained little influence inside Poland, but its spirit soon reappeared during World War II, within the Polish government-in-exile.^[2]

In October 1938, Joachim von Ribbentrop first proposed German-Polish territorial adjustments and Poland's participation in the Anti-Comintern Pact against the Soviet Union.^[12] The status of the Free City of Danzig was one of the key bones of contention. Approached by Ribbentrop again in March 1939, the Polish government expressed willingness to address issues causing German concern, but effectively rejected Germany's stated demands and thus refused to allow Poland to be turned by Adolf Hitler into a German puppet state.^[13] Hitler, incensed by the British and French declarations of support for Poland,^[13] abrogated the German–Polish Non-Aggression Pact in late April 1939.^[2]^[8]^[14]

To protect itself from an increasingly aggressive Nazi Germany, already responsible for the annexations of Austria (in the Anschluss of 1938), Czechoslovakia (in 1939) and a part of Lithuania after the 1939 German ultimatum to Lithuania, Poland entered into a military alliance with Britain and France (the 1939 Anglo-Polish military alliance and the earlier Franco-Polish military alliance of 1921, as updated in 1939).^[15] However, the two Western powers were defense-oriented and not in a strong position, either geographically or in terms of resources, to assist Poland. Attempts were therefore made by them to induce Soviet-Polish cooperation, which they viewed as the only militarily viable possibility.^[16]^[17]

Diplomatic manoeuvers continued in the spring and summer of 1939, but in their final attempts, the Franco-British talks with the Soviets in Moscow on forming an anti-Nazi defensive military alliance failed. Warsaw's refusal to allow the Red Army to operate on Polish territory doomed the Western efforts.^[18] The final contentious Allied-Soviet exchanges took place on August 21 and 23, 1939.^[8]^[19]^[20]^[b] Stalin's regime was the target of an intense German counter-initiative and was concurrently involved in increasingly effective negotiations with Hitler's agents. On August 23, an outcome contrary to the exertions of the Allies became a reality: in Moscow, Germany and the Soviet Union hurriedly signed the Molotov–Ribbentrop non-aggression pact, which secretly provided for the dismemberment of Poland into Nazi and Soviet-controlled zones.^[2]^[8]^[10]^[21]

World War II

"The Polish contribution to allied victory in the Second World War was extraordinary, perhaps even decisive, but for many years it was disgracefully played down, obscured by the politics of the Cold War." Ben Macintyre^[22]

Invasions and resistance

On September 1, 1939, Hitler ordered the invasion of Poland, the opening event of World War II. Poland had signed an Anglo-Polish military alliance as recently as August 25, and had long been in alliance with France. The two Western powers soon declared war on Germany, but they remained largely inactive (the period early in the conflict became known as the Phoney War) and extended no aid to the attacked country. The numerically and technically superior Wehrmacht formations rapidly advanced eastwards and engaged massively in the murder of Polish civilians over the entire occupied territory.^[23] On September 17, a Soviet invasion of Poland began. The Soviet Union quickly occupied most of the areas of eastern Poland that contained large populations of Ukrainians and Belarusians.^[h] The two invading powers divided up the country as they had agreed in the secret provisions of the Molotov–Ribbentrop Pact. Poland's top government officials and military high command fled the war zone and arrived at the Romanian Bridgehead in mid-September. After the Soviet entry they sought refuge in Romania.^[24]^[25]^[26]

Among the military operations in which Poles held out the longest (until late September or early October) were the Siege of Warsaw, the Battle of Hel and the resistance of the Independent Operational Group Polesie. Warsaw fell on 27 September after a heavy German bombardment that killed about 40,000 civilians.^[26] Poland was ultimately partitioned between Germany and the Soviet Union according to the terms of the German–Soviet Treaty of Friendship, Cooperation and Demarcation signed by the two powers in Moscow on September 29.^[27]

Gerhard Weinberg has argued that the most significant Polish contribution to World War II was sharing its code-breaking results.^[28] This allowed the British to perform the cryptanalysis of the Enigma and decipher the main German military code, which gave the Allies a major advantage in the conflict.^[29] As regards actual military campaigns, some Polish historians have argued that simply resisting the initial invasion of Poland was the country's greatest contribution to the victory over Nazi Germany, despite its defeat. The Polish Army of nearly one million men significantly delayed the start of the Battle of France, planned for 1939. When the Nazi offensive in the West did happen, the delay caused it to be less effective, a possibly crucial factor in the victory of the Battle of Britain.^[30]

After Germany invaded the Soviet Union as part of its Operation Barbarossa in June 1941, the whole of pre-war Poland was overrun and occupied by German troops.^[21]^[31]

German-occupied Poland was divided from 1939 into two regions: Polish areas annexed by Nazi Germany directly into the German Reich and areas ruled under a so-called General Government of occupation.^[32] The Poles formed an underground resistance movement and a Polish government-in-exile that operated first in Paris, then, from July 1940, in London.^[33] Polish-Soviet diplomatic relations, broken since September 1939, were resumed in July 1941 under the Sikorski–Mayski agreement, which facilitated the formation of a Polish army (the Anders' Army) in the Soviet Union.^[34]^[35]^[36] In November 1941, Prime Minister Sikorski flew to the Soviet Union to negotiate with Stalin on its role on the Soviet-German front, but the British wanted the Polish soldiers in the Middle East. Stalin agreed, and the army was evacuated there.^[37]^[38]^[w]

The members of the Polish Underground State that functioned in Poland throughout the war were loyal to and formally under the Polish government-in-exile, acting through its Government Delegation for Poland.^[39] During World War II, about 400,000 Poles joined the underground Polish Home Army (Armia Krajowa),^[40]^[t] a part of the Polish Armed Forces of the government-in-exile.^[33] About 200,000 fought in the Western Front in Polish armed forces loyal to the government-in-exile, and about 300,000 Poles fought under the Soviet command in the Eastern Front.^[41] The pro-Soviet resistance movement, led by the Polish Workers' Party, was active from 1941. It was opposed by the gradually forming extreme nationalistic National Armed Forces.^[33]

Beginning in late 1939, hundreds of thousands of Poles from the Soviet-occupied areas were deported and taken east. Of the upper-ranking military personnel and others deemed uncooperative or potentially harmful by the Soviets, about 22,000 were secretly executed.^[42] In April 1943, the Soviet Union broke off deteriorating relations with the Polish government-in-exile after the German military announced the discovery of mass graves containing Polish army officers murdered by the Soviets at the Katyn massacre. The Soviets claimed that the Poles committed a hostile act by requesting that the Red Cross investigate these reports.^[21]^[43]

From 1941, the implementation of the Final Solution began, and the Holocaust in Poland proceeded with force.^[44] As the Jewish ghetto in occupied Warsaw was being liquidated by Nazi SS units, the city was the scene of the Warsaw Ghetto Uprising in April–May 1943. The elimination of Jewish ghettos in German-occupied Poland took place in a number of cities besides Warsaw and other uprisings were waged against impossible odds by desperate Jewish insurgents, whose people were being removed and exterminated.^[45]

Soviet advance 1944–45, Warsaw Uprising

At a time of increasing cooperation between the Western Allies and the Soviet Union in the wake of the Nazi invasion of 1941, the influence of the Polish government-in-exile was seriously diminished by the death of Prime Minister Władysław Sikorski, its most capable leader, in a plane crash on July 4, 1943.^[46] His successors lacked the ability or willingness to negotiate effectively with the Soviets and proved equally ineffective in pressing for the interests of the Polish people with the Western Allies.^[47]

In July 1944, the Soviet Red Army and Soviet-controlled Polish People's Army entered the territory of future postwar Poland. In protracted fighting in 1944 and 1945, the Soviets and their Polish allies defeated and expelled the German army from Poland at a cost of over 600,000 Soviet and over 60,000 Polish soldiers lost.^[48]

The greatest single action of the Polish resistance movement in World War II and a major political event was the Warsaw Uprising that began on August 1, 1944. The uprising, in which most of the city's population participated, was instigated by the underground Home Army and approved by the Polish government-in-exile in an attempt to establish a non-communist Polish administration ahead of the arrival of the Red Army. The uprising was originally planned as a short-lived armed demonstration in expectation that the Soviet forces approaching Warsaw would assist in any battle to take the city.^[49] The Soviets had never agreed to an intervention, however, and they halted their advance at the Vistula River. The Germans used the opportunity to carry out a brutal suppression of the forces of the pro-Western Polish underground.^[50]^[51]^[m]

The bitterly fought uprising lasted for two months and resulted in the death or expulsion from the city of hundreds of thousands of civilians. After the Poles realised the hopelessness of the situation and surrendered on 2 October, the Germans carried out a planned destruction of Warsaw on Hitler's orders that obliterated the remaining infrastructure of the city. The Polish First Army, fighting alongside the Soviet Red Army, entered a devastated Warsaw on 17 January 1945.^[51]^[52]^[n]

Allied conferences, Polish governments

From the time of the Tehran Conference in late 1943, there was broad agreement among the United States, Great Britain, and the Soviet Union that the locations of the borders between Germany and Poland and between Poland and the Soviet Union would be fundamentally changed after the conclusion of World War II.^[53]^[54] Stalin's proposal that Poland should be moved far to the west was readily accepted by the Polish communists, who were at that time in the early stages of forming a post-war government (the State National Council, a quasi-parliamentary body, was created).^[55] In July 1944, a communist-controlled Polish Committee of National Liberation was established in Lublin nominally to govern the areas liberated from German control, a move that prompted protests from Prime Minister Stanisław Mikołajczyk and his government-in-exile.^[21]^[48]^[51]

By the time of the Yalta Conference in February 1945, the communists had already established a Provisional Government of the Republic of Poland. The Soviet position at the conference was strong because of their decisive contribution to the war effort and as a result of their occupation of immense amounts of land in central and eastern Europe. The three Great Powers (the United States, Great Britain, and the Soviet Union) gave assurances that the communist provisional government would be converted into an entity that would include democratic forces from within the country and active abroad, but the London-based government-in-exile was not mentioned. A Provisional Government of National Unity and subsequent democratic elections were the agreed stated goals.^[56]^[57] The disappointing results of these plans and the failure of the Western powers to ensure the strong participation of non-communists in the immediate post-war Polish government were seen by many Poles as a manifestation of Western betrayal.

War losses, extermination of Jews

A lack of accurate data makes it difficult to document numerically the extent of the human losses suffered by Polish citizens during World War II. Additionally, many assertions made in the past must be considered suspect due to flawed methodology and a desire to promote certain political agendas. The last available enumeration of ethnic Poles and the large ethnic minorities is the Polish census of 1931. Exact population figures for 1939 are therefore not known.^[58]^[59]

Modern research indicates that about 5 million Polish citizens were killed during the war by the Nazis, including 3 million Polish Jews.^[60] According to the United States Holocaust Memorial Museum, at least 1.9 to 2 million ethnic Poles and 3 million Polish Jews were killed.^[61] Millions of Polish citizens were deported to Germany for forced labor or to German death camps such as Treblinka, Auschwitz and Sobibor.^[21] According to another estimate, between 2.35 and 2.9 million Polish Jews and about 2 million ethnic Poles were killed.^[62] Nazi Germany intended to exterminate the Jews completely, in actions that have come to be described collectively as the Holocaust.^[63] The Poles were to be expelled from areas controlled by Nazi Germany through a process of resettlement that started in 1939 and was expected to be completed within 15 years.^[64]

In an attempt to incapacitate Polish society, the Nazis and the Soviets executed tens of thousands of members of the intelligentsia and community leadership during events such as the German AB-Aktion in Poland, Operation Tannenberg and the Katyn massacre.^[65]^[j] Over 95% of the Jewish losses and 90% of the ethnic Polish losses were caused directly by Nazi Germany,^[d] whereas 5% of the ethnic Polish losses were caused by the Soviets and 5% by Ukrainian nationalists.^[62] The large-scale Jewish presence in Poland that had endured for centuries was rather quickly put to an end by the policies of extermination implemented by the Nazis during the war. Waves of displacement and emigration that took place both during and after the war removed from Poland a majority of the Jews who survived. Further significant Jewish emigration followed events such as the Polish October political thaw of 1956 and the 1968 Polish political crisis.^[66] The magnitude of the losses of Polish citizens of German, Ukrainian, Belarusian and other nationalities, which were also great, are not known.^[67]

In 1940–41, some 325,000 Polish citizens were deported by the Soviet regime.^[68] The number of Polish citizens who died at the hands of the Soviets is estimated at less than 100,000.^[67]

In 1943–44, Ukrainian nationalists associated with the Organization of Ukrainian Nationalists (OUN) and the Ukrainian Insurgent Army perpetrated the Massacres of Poles in Volhynia and Eastern Galicia.^[67] The number of Polish civilian victims are estimated at 60 up to 200 thousands of people.^[69]^[70]

Approximately 90% of Poland's war casualties were the victims of prisons, death camps, raids, executions, the annihilation of ghettos, epidemics, starvation, excessive work and ill treatment. The war left one million children orphaned and 590,000 persons disabled. The country lost 38% of its national assets (whereas Britain lost only 0.8%, and France only 1.5%).^[71] Nearly half of pre-war Poland was expropriated by the Soviet Union, including the two great cultural centers of Lwów and Wilno.^[72]

Changing boundaries and population transfers

By the terms of the 1945 Potsdam Agreement signed by the United States, the Soviet Union, and Great Britain, the Soviet Union retained most of the territories captured as a result of the Molotov–Ribbentrop Pact of 1939, including western Ukraine and western Belarus, and gained others. Lithuania and the Königsberg area of East Prussia were officially incorporated into the Soviet Union, in the case of the former without the recognition of the Western powers. Poland was compensated with the bulk of Silesia, including Breslau (Wrocław) and Grünberg (Zielona Góra), the bulk of Pomerania, including Stettin (Szczecin), and the greater southern portion of the former East Prussia, along with Danzig (Gdańsk). Collectively referred to as the "Recovered Territories", they were included in the reconstituted Polish state. With Germany's defeat, the re-established Polish state was thus shifted west to the area between the Oder–Neisse and Curzon lines.^[c] The Poles lost 70% of their pre-war oil capacity to the Soviets, but gained from the Germans a highly developed industrial base and infrastructure that made a diversified industrial economy possible for the first time in Polish history.^[73]

The flight and expulsion of Germans from what was eastern Germany prior to the war began before and during the Soviet conquest of those regions from the Nazis, and the process continued in the years immediately after the war.^[74] Figures of Germans evacuated, migrated, or expelled by 1950 totalled 8,030,000.^[75] Early expulsions in Poland were undertaken by the Polish Communist military authorities^[76] even before the Potsdam Conference ("wild expulsions"),^[77] to ensure the later integration into an ethnically homogeneous Poland^[78] as envisioned by the Polish Communists.^[79]^[80] Overall about 1% (100,000) of the German civilian population east of the Oder–Neisse line perished in the fighting prior to the surrender in May 1945.^[81] Some 200,000 Germans in Poland were employed as forced labor in communist-administered camps prior to being expelled from Poland.^[82] Of those Germans who remained, many chose to emigrate to post-war Germany. On the other hand, 1.5–2 million Poles moved or were expelled from Polish areas annexed by the Soviet Union. The vast majority were resettled in the former German territories.^[83]

Many exiled Poles could not return to the country for which they had fought because they belonged to political groups incompatible with the new communist regimes, or because they originated from areas of pre-war eastern Poland that were incorporated into the Soviet Union (see Polish population transfers of the period 1944-46). Some were deterred from returning simply on the strength of warnings that anyone who had served in Western military units would be endangered under the new communist regimes. Many Poles were pursued, arrested, tortured and imprisoned by the Soviet authorities for belonging to the Home Army or other formations (see Anti-communist resistance in Poland during the period 1944-46),^[84] or were persecuted because they had fought on the Western front.^[85]

Territories on both sides of the new Polish-Ukrainian border were also "ethnically cleansed". Of the Ukrainians and Lemkos living in Poland within the new borders (about 700,000), close to 95% were forcibly moved to the Soviet Ukraine, or (in 1947) to the new territories in northern and western Poland under Operation Vistula. In Volhynia, 98% of the Polish pre-war population was either killed or expelled; in Eastern Galicia, the Polish population was reduced by 92%.^[86] In all, about 70,000 Poles and about 20,000 Ukrainians were killed in the ethnic violence that occurred in the 1940s, both during and after the war.^[87]

According to an estimate by Polish researchers, 40–60,000 of the 200–250,000 Polish Jews who escaped the Nazis survived without leaving Poland (the remainder perished).^[88] More were repatriated from the Soviet Union and elsewhere, and the February 1946 population census showed about 300,000 Jews within the new borders.^[89]^[e] Of the surviving Jews, many chose to emigrate or felt compelled to because of anti-Jewish violence in Poland.^[90]

Because of changing borders and the mass movements of people of various nationalities, the emerging communist Poland ended up with a mainly homogeneous, ethnically Polish population (97.6% according to the December 1950 census).^[68]^[91] Minority members were not encouraged by the authorities or their neighbors to emphasize their ethnic identities.^[i]

Polish People's Republic (1945–89)

Post-war struggle for power

Stanisław Mikołajczyk's Polish People's Party tried to outvote the communists in 1947, but the election process was rigged. Mikołajczyk had to flee to the West.

In response to the February 1945 Yalta Conference directives,^[57] a Polish Provisional Government of National Unity was formed in June 1945 under Soviet auspices; it was soon recognized by the United States and many other countries.^[92] Communist rule and Soviet domination were apparent from the beginning: sixteen prominent leaders of the Polish anti-Nazi underground were brought to trial in Moscow ("the Trial of the Sixteen") already in June 1945.^[93] In the immediate post-war years, emerging communist rule was challenged by opposition groups ("cursed soldiers"), and many thousands perished in the fight or were pursued by the Ministry of Public Security and executed.^[94] Such insurgents often pinned their hopes on expectations of the imminent outbreak of a World War III and the defeat of the Soviet Union.^[95] The Polish right-wing insurgency faded after the amnesty of February 1947.^[96]^[97]

The Polish people's referendum of June 1946 was arranged by the communist Polish Workers' Party to legitimize its dominance over Polish politics and claim widespread support for the Party's policies.^[98]^[99] Although the Yalta agreement called for free elections, the Polish legislative election of January 1947 was controlled by the communists.^[34]^[94] Some democratic and pro-Western elements, led by Stanisław Mikołajczyk, the former prime minister-in-exile, participated in the Provisional Government and the 1947 elections, but were ultimately eliminated through electoral fraud, intimidation and violence.^[94] In times of radical political and economic change, members of Mikołajczyk's agrarian movement (the Polish People's Party) attempted to preserve some degree of market economy to protect rights and interests of limited property ownership. After the 1947 elections, the Government of National Unity ceased to exist and the communist-dominated Front of National Unity was officially the only source of governmental authority.^[100] The Polish government-in-exile remained in continuous existence until 1990, although its influence declined.^[21]

Under Stalinism

The Polish People's Republic (Polska Rzeczpospolita Ludowa) was established under the rule of the communist Polish United Workers' Party. The name change from the Polish Republic was not officially adopted, however, until the proclamation of the Constitution of the Polish People's Republic in 1952.^[101]

The ruling party itself was formed by the forced amalgamation in December 1948 of the communist Polish Workers' Party and the historically non-communist Polish Socialist Party. The latter, re-established in 1944 by its left wing,^[102] had since been allied with the communists.^[103]^[104]^[105] The ruling communists, who in post-war Poland preferred to use the term "socialism" instead of "communism" to identify their ideological basis,^[106]^[f] needed to include the socialist junior partner to broaden their appeal, claim greater legitimacy and eliminate competition on the political Left. The socialists, who were losing their organization, were subjected to political pressure, ideological cleansing and purges in order to become suitable for unification on the terms of the "Workers' Party". The leading pro-communist leaders of the socialists were the prime ministers Edward Osóbka-Morawski and Józef Cyrankiewicz.^[103]^[105]^[107]

During the most oppressive phase of the Stalinist period (1948–53), terror was justified in Poland as necessary to eliminate reactionary subversion. Many thousands of perceived opponents of the regime were arbitrarily tried, and large numbers were executed.^[u] The People's Republic was led by discredited Soviet operatives such as Bolesław Bierut, Jakub Berman and Konstantin Rokossovsky.^[108] The independent Catholic Church in Poland was subjected to property confiscations and other curtailments from 1949, and in 1950 was pressured into signing an accord with the government.^[96]^[97] In 1953 and later, despite a partial thaw after the death of Joseph Stalin that year, the persecution of the Church intensified and its head, Cardinal Stefan Wyszyński, was detained.^[109] A key event in the persecution of the Polish church was the Stalinist show trial of the Kraków Curia in January 1953.^[110]^[111]^[112]

In the Warsaw Pact, formed in 1955, the army of the Polish People's Republic was the second largest, after the Soviet Army.^[113]

Economic and social developments

Berkas:Wyszyński.jpg

Primate Stefan Wyszyński's leadership led to the exceptional strength of the Polish Catholic Church

In 1944, large agricultural holdings and former German property in Poland started to be redistributed through land reform, and industry started to be nationalized.^[100] Communist restructuring and the imposition of work-space rules encountered active worker opposition already in the years 1945–47.^[114] The Three-Year Plan of 1947–49 continued with the rebuilding, socialization and socialist restructuring of the economy. It was followed by the Six-Year Plan of 1950–55 for heavy industry.^[96] The rejection of the Marshall Plan in 1947 made aspirations for catching up with West European standards of living unrealistic.^[115]^[116]

The government's highest economic priority was the development of heavy industry useful to the military. State-run or controlled institutions common in all the socialist countries of eastern Europe were imposed on Poland, including collective farms and worker cooperatives. The latter were dismantled in the late 1940s as not socialist enough, although they were later re-established; even small-scale private enterprises were eradicated.^[117] Stalinism introduced heavy political and ideological propaganda and indoctrination in social life, culture and education.^[111]^[118]

Great strides were made, however, in the areas of employment (which became nearly full), universal public education (which nearly eradicated adult illiteracy), health care and recreational amenities.^[119]^[120] Many historic sites, including the central districts of Warsaw and Gdańsk, both devastated during the war, were rebuilt at great cost.^[121]^[122]

The communist industrialization program led to increased urbanization and educational and career opportunities for the intended beneficiaries of the social transformation along the lines of the peasants-workers-working intelligentsia paradigm. The most significant improvement was accomplished in the lives of Polish peasants, many of whom were able to leave their impoverished and overcrowded village communities for better conditions in urban centers. Those who stayed behind took advantage of the implementation of the 1944 land reform decree of the Polish Committee of National Liberation, which terminated the antiquated, but widespread parafeudal socioeconomic relations in Poland. Under Stalinism, attempts were made at establishing collective farms; they generally failed. Due to urbanization, the national percentage of the rural population decreased in communist Poland by about 50%. A majority of Poland's residents of cities and towns still live in apartment blocks built during the communist era in part to accommodate migrants from rural areas.^[123]^[124]^[125]

Thaw

In March 1956, after the 20th Soviet Party Congress in Moscow ushered in de-Stalinization, Edward Ochab was chosen to replace the deceased Bolesław Bierut as first secretary of the Polish United Workers' Party.^[128] As a result, Poland was rapidly overtaken by social restlessness and reformist undertakings; thousands of political prisoners were released and many people previously persecuted were officially rehabilitated.^[129] Worker riots in Poznań in June 1956 were violently suppressed, but they gave rise to the formation of a reformist current within the communist party.^[130]^[131]

Amidst continuing social and national upheaval, a further shakeup took place in the party leadership as part of what is known as the Polish October of 1956.^[132]^[k] While retaining most traditional communist economic and social aims, the regime led by the new Polish Party's First Secretary Władysław Gomułka liberalized internal life in Poland.^[21] The dependence on the Soviet Union was somewhat mollified, and the state's relationships with the Church and Catholic lay activists were put on a new footing.^[133] A repatriation agreement with the Soviet Union allowed the repatriation of hundreds of thousands of Poles who were still in Soviet hands, including many former political prisoners.^[134] Collectivization efforts were abandoned—agricultural land, unlike in other Comecon countries, mostly remained in the private ownership of farming families.^[134]^[135] State-mandated provisions of agricultural products at fixed, artificially low prices were reduced and, from 1972, eliminated.^[136]

Culture in the Polish People's Republic, to varying degrees linked to the intelligentsia's opposition to the authoritarian system, developed to a sophisticated level under Gomułka and his successors. The creative process was often compromised by state censorship, but significant works were created in fields such as literature, theater, cinema and music, among others. Journalism of veiled understanding and varieties of native and western popular culture were well represented. Uncensored information and works generated by émigré circles were conveyed through a variety of channels. The Paris-based Kultura magazine developed a conceptual framework for dealing with the issues of borders and the neighbors of a future free Poland, but Radio Free Europe was of foremost importance.^[137]^[138]^[139]

Stagnation and crackdown

The legislative election of 1957 was followed by several years of political stability that was accompanied by economic stagnation and curtailment of reforms and reformists. One of the last initiatives of the brief reform era was a nuclear weapons–free zone in Central Europe proposed in 1957 by Adam Rapacki, Poland's foreign minister. One of the confirmations of the end of an era of greater tolerance was the expulsion from the communist party of several prominent "Marxist revisionists" in the 1960s.^[140]

In 1965, the Conference of Polish Bishops issued the Letter of Reconciliation of the Polish Bishops to the German Bishops, a gesture intended to heal bad mutual feelings left over from World War II.^[141] In 1966, the celebrations of the 1,000th anniversary of the Baptism of Poland led by Cardinal Stefan Wyszyński and other bishops turned into a huge demonstration of the power and popularity of the Catholic Church in Poland.^[142]

The post-1956 liberalizing trend, in decline for a number of years, was reversed in March 1968, when student demonstrations were suppressed during the 1968 Polish political crisis. Motivated in part by the Prague Spring movement, the Polish opposition leaders, intellectuals, academics and students used a historical-patriotic Dziady theater spectacle series in Warsaw (and its termination forced by the authorities) as a springboard for protests, which soon spread to other centers of higher education and turned nationwide. The authorities responded with a major crackdown on opposition activity, including the firing of faculty and the dismissal of students at universities and other institutions of learning. At the center of the controversy was also the small number of Catholic deputies in the Sejm (the Znak Association members) who attempted to defend the students.^[143]

In an official speech, Gomułka drew attention to the role of Jewish activists in the events taking place. This provided ammunition to a nationalistic and antisemitic communist party faction headed by Mieczysław Moczar that was opposed to Gomułka's leadership. Using the context of the military victory of Israel in the Six-Day War of 1967, some in the Polish communist leadership waged an antisemitic campaign against the remnants of the Jewish community in Poland. The targets of this campaign were accused of disloyalty and active sympathy with Israeli aggression. Branded "Zionists", they were scapegoated and blamed for the unrest in March, which eventually led to the emigration of much of Poland's remaining Jewish population (about 15,000 Polish citizens left the country).^[143]

With the active support of the Gomułka regime, the People's Army of Poland took part in the infamous Warsaw Pact invasion of Czechoslovakia in August 1968 after the informal announcement of the Brezhnev Doctrine.^[144]

In December 1970, the governments of Poland and West Germany signed the Treaty of Warsaw, which normalized their relations and made possible meaningful cooperation in a number of areas of bilateral interest. West Germany recognized the post-war de facto border between Poland and East Germany.^[145]^[146]

Worker revolts and Solidarity

Price increases for essential consumer goods triggered the Polish protests of 1970. In December, there were disturbances and strikes in the port cities of Gdańsk, Gdynia, and Szczecin that reflected deep dissatisfaction with living and working conditions in the country.^[21] The activity was centered in the industrial shipyard areas of the three coastal cities. Dozens of protesting workers and bystanders were killed in police and military actions, generally under the authority of Gomułka and Minister of Defense Wojciech Jaruzelski. In the aftermath, Edward Gierek replaced Gomułka as first secretary of the communist party. The new regime was seen as more modern, friendly and pragmatic, and at first it enjoyed a degree of popular and foreign support.^[147]^[g]^[o]

Gierek's regime introduced wide-ranging (but ultimately unsuccessful) government reforms to revitalize the economy between 1970 and 1980. Another attempt to raise food prices resulted in the June 1976 protests.^[148] Jacek Kuroń was among the activists who defended accused rioters from Radom and other towns.^[149] The Workers' Defence Committee (KOR), established in response to the crackdown, consisted of dissident intellectuals willing to support industrial workers, farmers and students who were struggling with and persecuted by the authorities throughout the late 1970s.^[150]^[151] During this period, the opposition circles were emboldened by the Helsinki Conference processes.^[148]

In October 1978, the Archbishop of Kraków, Cardinal Karol Józef Wojtyła, became Pope John Paul II, head of the Roman Catholic Church. Catholics and others rejoiced at the elevation of a Pole to the papacy and greeted his June 1979 visit to Poland with an outpouring of emotion.^[21]^[152]

Fueled by large infusions of Western credit, Poland's economic growth rate was one of the world's highest during the first half of the 1970s, but much of the borrowed capital was misspent, and the centrally planned economy was unable to use the new resources effectively. The 1973 oil crisis caused recession and high interest rates in the West, to which the Polish government had to respond with sharp domestic consumer price increases. The growing debt burden became insupportable in the late 1970s, and negative economic growth set in by 1979.^[21]^[148]

Around July 1, 1980, with the Polish foreign debt standing at more than $20 billion, the government made another attempt to increase meat prices.^[21] Workers responded with escalating work stoppages that culminated in the 1980 general strikes in Lublin.^[153] In mid-August, labor protests at the Gdańsk Shipyard gave rise to a chain reaction of strikes that virtually paralyzed the Baltic coast by the end of the month and, for the first time, closed most coal mines in Silesia. The Inter-Enterprise Strike Committee coordinated the strike action across hundreds of workplaces and formulated the 21 demands as the basis for negotiations with the authorities. The Strike Committee was sovereign in its decision-making, but was aided by a team of "expert" advisers that included Bronisław Geremek and Tadeusz Mazowiecki, well-known intellectuals and dissidents.^[21]^[154]

General Wojciech Jaruzelski meeting Soviet security chief Yuri Andropov during the 1980 crisis. Jaruzelski was about to become the (last) leader of communist Poland.

On August 31, 1980, representatives of workers at the Gdańsk Shipyard, led by an electrician and activist Lech Wałęsa, signed the Gdańsk Agreement with the government that ended their strike. Similar agreements were concluded in Szczecin (the Szczecin Agreement) and in Silesia. The key provision of these agreements was the guarantee of the workers' right to form independent trade unions and the right to strike. Following the successful resolution of the largest labor confrontation in communist Poland's history, nationwide union organizing movements swept the country.^[21]^[154]

Edward Gierek was blamed by the Soviets for not following their "fraternal" advice, not shoring up the communist party and the official trade unions and allowing "anti-socialist" forces to emerge. On September 5, 1980, Gierek was replaced by Stanisław Kania as first secretary.^[155]

Delegates of the emergent worker committees from all over Poland gathered in Gdańsk on September 17 and decided to form a single national union organization named "Solidarity" (the name was adopted following a suggestion by Karol Modzelewski).^[156]

While party–controlled courts took up the contentious issues of Solidarity's legal registration as a trade union (finalized by November 10), planning had already begun for the imposition of martial law. A parallel farmers' union was organized and strongly opposed by the regime, but Rural Solidarity was finally registered on May 12, 1981.^[157] In the meantime, a rapid deterioration of the authority of the communist party, the disintegration of state power and an escalation of demands and threats by the various Solidarity–affiliated groups were occurring.^[158] According to Kuroń, a "tremendous social democratization movement in all spheres" was taking place and could not be contained. Wałęsa had meetings with Kania, which brought no resolution to the impasse. Following the Warsaw Pact summit in Moscow, the Soviet Union proceeded with a massive military build-up along Poland's border in December 1980, but during the summit, Kania forcefully argued with Leonid Brezhnev and other allied communists leaders against the feasibility of an external military intervention, and no action was taken.^[159] The United States, under presidents Jimmy Carter and Ronald Reagan, repeatedly warned the Soviets about the consequences of a direct intervention, while discouraging an open insurrection in Poland and signaling to the Polish opposition that there would be no rescue by the NATO forces.^[160]

In February 1981, Defense Minister General Wojciech Jaruzelski assumed the position of prime minister. A World War II veteran with a generally positive image, Jaruzelski engaged in preparations for calming the Polish unrest by the use of force, utilizing ZOMO troops and other security forces backed up by the Polish and Soviet bloc military. The 1980–81 Solidarity social revolt had thus far been free of any major use of force, but in March 1981 in Bydgoszcz, three activists were beaten up by the secret police. A nationwide "warning strike" took place, in which the 9.5-million-strong Solidarity union was supported by the population at large. A general strike was called off by Wałęsa after the March 30 settlement with the government. Both Solidarity and the communist party were badly split and the Soviets were losing patience. Kania was re-elected at the Party Congress in July, but the collapse of the economy continued and so did the general disorder.^[161]

At the first Solidarity National Congress in September–October 1981 in Gdańsk, Lech Wałęsa was elected national chairman of the Union with 55% of the vote. An appeal was issued to the workers of the other East European countries, urging them to follow in the footsteps of Solidarity.^[162] To the Soviets, the gathering was an "anti-socialist and anti-Soviet orgy" and the Polish communist leaders, increasingly led by Jaruzelski and General Czesław Kiszczak, were ready to apply force.^[161]

In October 1981, Jaruzelski was named the first secretary of the communist party, an unusual advancement for a military figure in the communist world. The Plenum's vote was 180 to 4, and he kept his government posts. Jaruzelski asked parliament to ban strikes and allow him to exercise extraordinary powers, but when neither request was granted, he decided to proceed with his plans anyway.^[161]

Martial law and end of communism

On December 12–13, 1981, the regime declared martial law in Poland, under which the army and ZOMO riot police were used to crush Solidarity. In the Soviet reaction to the Polish crisis of 1980–81, the Soviet leaders insisted that Jaruzelski pacify the opposition with the forces at his disposal, without direct Soviet involvement or backup. Virtually all Solidarity leaders and many affiliated intellectuals were arrested or detained. Nine workers were killed in the Pacification of Wujek. The United States and other Western countries responded by imposing economic sanctions against Poland and the Soviet Union. Unrest in the country was subdued, but continued.^[21]^[163]

During martial law, Poland was ruled by the so-called Military Council of National Salvation. The open or semi-open opposition communications, as recently practiced, were replaced by underground publishing (known in the eastern bloc as Samizdat), and Solidarity was reduced to a few thousand underground activists.^[164]^[165]

Having achieved some semblance of stability, the Polish regime relaxed and then rescinded martial law over several stages. By December 1982, martial law was suspended, and a small number of political prisoners, including Wałęsa, were released.^[21] Although martial law formally ended in July 1983 and a partial amnesty was enacted, several hundred political prisoners remained in jail.^[34]^[163] Jerzy Popiełuszko, a popular pro-Solidarity priest, was abducted and murdered by security functionaries in October 1984.^[164]^[165]

Further developments in Poland occurred concurrently with and were influenced by the reformist leadership of Mikhail Gorbachev in the Soviet Union (processes known as Glasnost and Perestroika).^[164] In September 1986, a general amnesty was declared, and the government released nearly all political prisoners, but the authorities continued to harass dissidents and Solidarity activists.^[34] The regime's efforts to organize society from the top down had failed, while the opposition's attempts at creating an "alternate society" were also unsuccessful.^[166] With the economic crisis unresolved and societal institutions dysfunctional, both the ruling establishment and the opposition led by Solidarity leaders began looking for ways out of the stalemate. Facilitated by the indispensable mediation of the Catholic Church, exploratory contacts were established.^[165]

Student protests resumed in February 1988. The government's inability to forestall Poland's economic decline led to the 1988 Polish strikes across the country in April, May and August. The Soviet Union was becoming increasingly destabilized and unwilling to apply military or other pressure to prop up allied regimes in trouble.^[165]^[167] The Polish government felt compelled to negotiate with the opposition, and in September 1988, preliminary talks with Solidarity leaders ensued in Magdalenka. Numerous meetings took place involving Wałęsa and General Kiszczak, among others, and the regime made a major public relations mistake by allowing a televised debate in November between Wałęsa and Alfred Miodowicz, chief of the All-Poland Alliance of Trade Unions, the official trade union organization.^[168] The fitful bargaining and intra-party squabbling led to the official Round Table Negotiations in the following year, followed by the Polish legislative election of 1989, a watershed event marking the fall of communism in Poland.^[21]^[167]^[168]

Third Polish Republic (1989–today)

Transition from communism

The Polish Round Table Agreement of April 1989 called for local self-government, policies of job guarantees, legalization of independent trade unions and many wide-ranging reforms.^[169] The current Sejm promptly implemented the deal and agreed to National Assembly elections that were set for June 4 and June 18.^[170] Only 35% of the seats in the Sejm (the national legislature's lower house) and all of the Senate seats were freely contested; the remaining Sejm seats (65%) were guaranteed for the communists and their allies.^[21]^[171]

The failure of the communists at the polls (almost all of the contested seats were won by the opposition) resulted in a political crisis. The new April constitutional agreement called for the re-establishment of the Polish presidency and on July 19 the National Assembly elected the communist leader General Wojciech Jaruzelski to that office. His election, seen at the time as politically necessary, was barely accomplished with tacit support from some Solidarity deputies, and the new president's position was not strong. Moreover, the unexpected definitiveness of the parliamentary election results created new dynamics and attempts by the communists to form a government failed.^[21]^[170]^[171]^[172]

On August 19, President Jaruzelski asked journalist and Solidarity activist Tadeusz Mazowiecki to form a government; on September 12, the Sejm voted approval of Prime Minister Mazowiecki and his cabinet. Mazowiecki decided to leave the economic reform entirely in the hands of economic liberals led by the new Deputy Prime Minister Leszek Balcerowicz,^[170] who proceeded with the design and implementation of his "shock therapy" policy. For the first time in post-war history, Poland had a government led by non-communists, setting a precedent soon to be followed by other communist-ruled nations in a phenomenon known as the Revolutions of 1989.^[21]^[171] Mazowiecki's acceptance of the "thick line" formula meant that there would be no "witch-hunt", i.e., an absence of revenge seeking or exclusion from politics in regard to former communist officials.^[170]

In part because of the attempted indexation of wages, inflation reached 900% by the end of 1989, but was soon dealt with by means of radical methods. In December 1989, the Sejm approved the Balcerowicz Plan to transform the Polish economy rapidly from a centrally planned one to a free market economy.^[173]^[v] The Constitution of the Polish People's Republic was amended to eliminate references to the "leading role" of the communist party and the country was renamed the "Republic of Poland". The communist Polish United Workers' Party dissolved itself in January 1990. In its place, a new party, Social Democracy of the Republic of Poland, was created.^[21]^[164] "Territorial self-government", abolished in 1950, was legislated back in March 1990, to be led by locally elected officials; its fundamental unit was the administratively independent gmina.^[174]^[q]

In October 1990, the constitution was amended to curtail the term of President Jaruzelski.^[34] In November 1990, the German–Polish Border Treaty was signed.^[175]

In November 1990, Lech Wałęsa was elected president for a five-year term; in December, he became the first popularly elected president of Poland. Poland's first free parliamentary election was held in October 1991. 18 parties entered the new Sejm, but the largest representation received only 12% of the total vote.^[176]

Democratic constitution, NATO and European Union memberships

There were several post-Solidarity governments between the 1989 election and the 1993 election, after which the "post-communist" left-wing parties took over.^[177] In 1993, the formerly Soviet Northern Group of Forces, a vestige of past domination, left Poland.^[164]

In 1995, Aleksander Kwaśniewski of the social democratic party was elected president and remained in that capacity for the next ten years (two terms).^[164]

In 1997, the new Constitution of Poland was finalized and approved in a referendum; it replaced the Small Constitution of 1992, an amended version of the communist constitution.^[178]

Poland joined NATO in 1999.^[179] Elements of the Polish Armed Forces have since participated in the Iraq War and the Afghanistan War. Poland joined the European Union as part of its enlargement in 2004. The two memberships were indicative of the Third Polish Republic's integration with the West. Poland has not adopted the euro currency, however.

Notes

a.^{^}Piłsudski's family roots in the Polonized gentry of the Grand Duchy of Lithuania and the resulting perspective of seeing himself and people like him as legitimate Lithuanians put him in conflict with modern Lithuanian nationalists (who in Piłsudski's lifetime redefined the scope of the meaning of "Lithuanian"), and by extension with other nationalists and also with the Polish modern nationalist movement.^[180]

b.^{^}In 1938 Poland and Romania refused to agree to a Franco-British proposal that in the event of war with Germany Soviet forces would be allowed to cross their territories to aid Czechoslovakia. The Polish ruling elites considered the Soviets in some ways more threatening than the Nazis.^[181]^[182]

The Soviet Union repeatedly declared its intention to fulfill its obligations under the 1935 treaty with Czechoslovakia and defend Czechoslovakia militarily. A transfer of land and air forces through Poland and/or Romania was required and the Soviets approached the French about it, who also had a treaty with Czechoslovakia (and with Poland and with the Soviet Union). Edward Rydz-Śmigły rebuked the French suggestion on that matter in 1936, and in 1938 Józef Beck pressured Romania not to allow even Soviet warplanes to fly over its territory. Like Hungary, Poland was looking into using the German-Czechoslovak conflict to settle its own territorial grievances, namely disputes over parts of Zaolzie, Spiš and Orava.^[183]

c.^{^} In October 1939, the British Foreign Office notified the Soviets that the United Kingdom would be satisfied with a post-war creation of small ethnic Poland, patterned after the Duchy of Warsaw.^[184] An establishment of Poland restricted to "minimal size", according to ethnographic boundaries (such as the lands common to both the prewar Poland and postwar Poland),^[185] was planned by the Soviet People's Commissariat for Foreign Affairs in 1943–44. Such territorial reduction was recommended by Ivan Maisky to Vyacheslav Molotov in early 1944, because of what Maisky saw as Poland's historically unfriendly disposition toward Russia and the Soviet Union, likely in some way to continue. Joseph Stalin opted for a larger version, allowing a "swap" (territorial compensation for Poland), which involved the eastern lands gained by Poland at the Peace of Riga of 1921 and now lost, and eastern Germany conquered from the Nazis in 1944–45.^[186]^[187] In regard to the several major disputed areas: Lower Silesia west of the Oder and the Nysa Kłodzka rivers (the British wanted it to remain a part of the future German state),^[188] Stettin (in 1945 the German communists already established their administration there), "Zakerzonia" (western Red Ruthenia demanded by the Ukrainians), and the Białystok region (Białystok was claimed by the communists of the Byelorussian SSR), the Soviet leader made decisions that favored Poland.

Other territorial and ethnic scenarios were also possible, generally with outcomes less advantageous to Poland than its present form.^[189]

d.^{^}Timothy Snyder spoke of about 100,000 Jews killed by Poles during the Nazi occupation, the majority probably by members of the collaborationist Blue Police.^[190] This number would have likely been many times higher had Poland entered into an alliance with Germany in 1939, as advocated by some Polish historians and others.

e.^{^}Some may have falsely claimed Jewish identity hoping for permission to emigrate. The communist authorities, pursuing the concept of a Poland of single ethnicity (in accordance with the recent border changes and expulsions),^[89]^[191] were allowing the Jews to leave the country.^[192] For a discussion of early communist Poland's ethnic politics, see Timothy Snyder, The Reconstruction of Nations, chapters on modern "Ukrainian Borderland".

f.^{^}A Communist Party of Poland had existed in the past, but was eliminated in Stalin's purges in 1938.^[193]

g.^{^}The Soviet leadership, which had previously ordered the crushing of the Uprising in East Germany, the Hungarian Revolution and the Prague Spring, now became worried about the demoralization of the Polish army, a crucial Warsaw Pact component, because of its deployment against Polish workers. The Soviets withdrew their support for Gomułka, who insisted on the use of force; he and his close associates were subsequently ousted from the Polish Politburo by the Polish Central Committee.^[194]

h.^{^}East of the Molotov-Ribbentrop line, the population was 43% Polish, 33% Ukrainian, 8% Belarusian and 8% Jewish.^[195] The Soviet Union did not want to appear as an aggressor, and moved its troops to Eastern Poland under the pretext of offering protection to "the kindred Ukrainian and Belorussian people".^[26]

i.^{^}Joseph Stalin at the 1943 Tehran Conference discussed with Winston Churchill and Franklin Roosevelt new post-war borders in central-eastern Europe, including the shape of a future Poland. He endorsed the Piast Concept, which justified a massive shift of Poland's frontiers to the west.^[196] Stalin resolved to secure and stabilize the western reaches of the Soviet Union and disable the future military potential of Germany by constructing a compact and ethnically defined Poland (along with the Soviet ethnic Ukraine, Belarus and Lithuania) and by radically altering the region's system of national borders.^[197] After 1945, the Polish communist regime wholeheartedly adopted and promoted the Piast Concept, making it the centerpiece of their claim to be the true inheritors of Polish nationalism. After all the killings and population transfers during and after the war the country was 99% "Polish".^[198]

j.^{^}"All the currently available documents of Nazi administration show that, together with the Jews, the stratum of the Polish intelligentsia was marked for total extermination. In fact, Nazi Germany achieved this goal almost by half, since Poland lost 50 percent of her citizens with university diplomas and 35 percent of those with a gimnazium diploma."^[199]

k.^{^}Decisive political events took place in Poland shortly before the Soviet intervention in Hungary. Władysław Gomułka, a reformist leader at that time, was reinstated to the Polish Politburo and the Eighth Plenum of the Party's Central Committee was announced to convene on October 19, 1956, all without seeking a Soviet approval. The Soviet Union responded with military moves and intimidation and its "military-political delegation", led by Nikita Khrushchev, quickly arrived in Warsaw. Gomułka tried to convince them of his loyalty but insisted on the reforms that he considered essential, including a replacement of Poland's Soviet-trusted minister of defense, Konstantin Rokossovsky. The disconcerted Soviets returned to Moscow, the Polish Plenum elected Gomułka first secretary and removed Rokossovsky from the Politburo. On October 21, the Soviet Presidium followed Khrushchev's lead and decided unanimously to "refrain from military intervention" in Poland, a decision likely influenced also by the ongoing preparations for the invasion of Hungary. The Soviet gamble paid off because Gomułka in the coming years turned out to be a very dependable Soviet ally and an orthodox communist.^[132]

Unlike the other Warsaw Pact countries, Poland did not endorse the Soviet armed intervention in Hungary. The Hungarian Uprising was intensely supported by the Polish public.^[200]

l.^{^}The delayed reinforcements were coming and the government military commanders General Tadeusz Rozwadowski and Władysław Anders wanted to keep on fighting the coup perpetrators, but President Stanisław Wojciechowski and the government decided to surrender to prevent the imminent spread of civil war. The coup brought to power the "Sanation" regime under Józef Piłsudski and Edward Rydz-Śmigły after Piłsudski's death. The Sanation regime persecuted the opposition within the military and in general. Rozwadowski died after abusive imprisonment, according to some accounts murdered.^[201] According to Aleksandra Piłsudska, the marshal's wife, following the coup and for the rest of his life Piłsudski lost his composure and appeared over-burdened.^[202]

At the time of Rydz-Śmigły's command, the Sanation camp embraced the ideology of Roman Dmowski, Piłsudski's nemesis. Rydz-Śmigły did not allow General Władysław Sikorski, an anti-Sanation enemy, to participate as a soldier in the defense of the country in September 1939. During World War II in France and Britain the Polish government in exile became dominated by anti-Sanation politicians. The perceived Sanation followers were in turn persecuted (in exile) under prime ministers Sikorski and Stanisław Mikołajczyk.^[203]

m.^{^}General Zygmunt Berling of the Soviet-allied First Polish Army attempted in mid-September a crossing of the Vistula and landing at Czerniaków to aid the insurgents, but the operation was defeated by the Germans and the Poles suffered heavy losses.^[204]

n.^{^}The decision to launch the Warsaw Uprising resulted in the destruction of the city, its population and its elites and has been a source of lasting controversy.^[205]^[206] According to the historians Czesław Brzoza and Andrzej Leon Sowa, orders of further military offensives, issued at the end of August 1944 as a part of Operation Tempest, show the loss of a sense of responsibility for the country's fate on the part of the Polish leadership.^[41]

o.^{^}One of the party leaders Mieczysław Rakowski, who abandoned his mentor Gomułka following the 1970 crisis, saw the demands of the demonstrating workers as "exclusively socialist" in character, because of the way they were phrased.^[207] Most people in communist Poland, including opposition activists, did not question the supremacy of socialism or the socialist idea; misconduct by party officials, such as not following the provisions of the constitution, was blamed. This assumed standard of political correctness was increasingly challenged in the decades that followed, when pluralism became a frequently used concept.^[208]

p.^{^}The Polish Sanation authorities were provoked by the independence-seeking Organization of Ukrainian Nationalists (OUN). OUN engaged in political assassinations, terror and sabotage, to which the Polish state responded with a repressive campaign in the 1930s, as Józef Piłsudski and his successors imposed collective responsibility on the villagers in the affected areas. After the disturbances of 1933 and 1934, a prison camp in Bereza Kartuska was established, which became notorious for its brutal regime. The government brought Polish settlers and administrators to Volhynian areas with a centuries-old tradition of Ukrainian peasant rising against Polish land owners (and to Eastern Galicia). In the late 1930s, after Piłsudski's death, military persecution intensified and a policy of "national assimilation" was aggressively pursued. Military raids, public beatings, property confiscations and the closing and destruction of Orthodox churches aroused lasting enmity in Galicia and antagonized Ukrainian society in Volhynia at, according to Timothy Snyder, the worst possible moment. However, he also notes that "Ukrainian terrorism and Polish reprisals touched only part of the population, leaving vast regions unaffected" and "the OUN's nationalist prescription, a Ukrainian state for ethnic Ukrainians alone was far from popular". Halik Kochanski wrote of the legacy of bitterness between the Ukrainians and Poles that soon exploded in the context of the World War II.^[209]^[210] See also: History of the Ukrainian minority in Poland.

q.^{^}In Poland, officials of central government (wojewoda provincial office) can overrule elected local territorial and municipal governments.

r.^{^}Foreign policy was one of the few governmental areas in which Piłsudski took an active interest. He saw Poland's role and opportunity as lying in Eastern Europe and advocated passive relations with the West. He felt that a German attack should not be feared because, even if this unlikely event were to take place, the Western powers would be bound to restrain Germany and come to Poland's rescue.^[211]

s.^{^}According to the researcher Jan Sowa, the Commonwealth failed as a state because it was not able to conform to the emerging new European order established at the Peace of Westphalia of 1648. Poland's elective kings, restricted by the self-serving but short-sighted nobility, could not impose a strong and efficient central government, with its characteristic post-Westphalian internal and external sovereignty. The inability of Polish kings to levy and collect taxes (and therefore sustain a standing army) and conduct independent foreign policy were among the chief obstacles to Poland competing effectively on the changed European scene, where absolutist power was a prerequisite for survival and became the foundation for the abolition of serfdom and gradual formation of parliamentarism.^[212]

t.^{^}Besides the Home Army there were other major underground fighting formations: Bataliony Chłopskie, National Armed Forces (NSZ) and Gwardia Ludowa (later Armia Ludowa).^[39] From 1943, the leaders of the nationalistic NSZ collaborated with Nazi Germany in a case unique in occupied Poland. The NSZ conducted an anti-communist civil war. Before the arrival of the Soviets, the NSZ's Holy Cross Mountains Brigade left Poland under the protection of the German army.^[213] According to the historians Czesław Brzoza and Andrzej Leon Sowa, participation figures given for the underground resistance are often inflated. In the spring of 1944, the time of the most extensive involvement of the underground organizations, there were most likely considerably fewer than 500,000 military and civilian personnel participating, over the entire spectrum, from the right wing to the communists.^[41]

u.^{^}According to Jerzy Eisler, about 1.1 million people may have been imprisoned or detained in 1944–56 and about 50,000 may have died because of the struggle and persecution, including about 7,000 soldiers of the right-wing underground killed in the 1940s.^[96]^[97] According to Adam Leszczyński, up to 30,000 people were killed by the communist regime during the first several years after the war.^[214]

v.^{^}According to Andrzej Stelmachowski, one of the key participants of the Polish systemic transformation, Minister Leszek Balcerowicz pursued extremely liberal economic policies, often unusually painful for society. The December 1989 Sejm statute of credit relations reform introduced an "incredible" system of privileges for banks. Banks were allowed to alter unilaterally interest rates on already existing contracts. The exceedingly high rates they instantly introduced ruined many previously profitable enterprises and caused a complete breakdown of the apartment block construction industry, which had long-term deleterious effects on the state budget as well. Balcerowicz's policies also caused permanent damage to Polish agriculture, which Balcerowicz "did not understand", and to the often successful and useful Polish cooperative movement.^[173]^[215]

w.^{^}Led by Władysław Anders, the Polish II Corps fought at the famous Battle of Monte Cassino in 1944, as part of the Allied Italian Campaign.^[216]

x.^{^}The concept which had become known as the Piast Idea, the chief proponent of which was Jan Ludwik Popławski, was based on the statement that the Piast homeland was inhabited by so-called "native" aboriginal Slavs and Slavonic Poles since time immemorial and only later was "infiltrated" by "alien" Celts, Germans and others. After 1945, the so-called "autochthonous" or "aboriginal" school of Polish prehistory received official backing in Poland and a considerable degree of popular support. According to this view, the Lusatian Culture which archaeologists have identified between the Oder and the Vistula in the early Iron Age, was said to be Slavonic; all non-Slavonic tribes and peoples recorded in the area at various points in ancient times were dismissed as "migrants" and "visitors". In contrast, the critics of this theory, such as Marija Gimbutas, regarded it as an unproved hypotheses and for them the date and origin of the westward migration of the Slavs were largely uncharted; the Slavonic connections of the Lusatian Culture were entirely imaginary; and the presence of an ethnically mixed and constantly changing collection of peoples on the North European Plain was taken for granted.^[217]

y.^{^}According to the count presented by Prime Minister and Internal Affairs Minister Felicjan Sławoj Składkowski before the Sejm committee in January 1938, 818 people were killed in police suppression of labor protests (industrial and agricultural) during the 1932–37 period.^[218]

References

Citations

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^ ^a ^b ^c ^d ^e Kesalahan pengutipan: Tag <ref> tidak sah; tidak ditemukan teks untuk ref bernama playground 291–321
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^ Davies 2001, hlm. 128.
^ Zgórniak, Łaptos & Solarz 2006, hlm. 409–410.
^ Zasuń 2009.
^ Czubiński 2009, hlm. 26.
^ ^a ^b ^c ^d Zgórniak, Łaptos & Solarz 2006, hlm. 455–465.
^ Lukowski & Zawadzki 2006, hlm. 247–248, 251–252.
^ ^a ^b Davies 2001, hlm. 127–129.
^ Brzoza & Sowa 2009, hlm. 361–365.
^ Zgórniak, Łaptos & Solarz 2006, hlm. 412–413.
^ ^a ^b Zgórniak, Łaptos & Solarz 2006, hlm. 422–425.
^ Lukowski & Zawadzki 2006, hlm. 252–253.
^ Czubiński 2009, hlm. 38–40.
^ Davies 2005b, hlm. 319–320.
^ Zgórniak, Łaptos & Solarz 2006, hlm. 454.
^ Czubiński 2009, hlm. 29.
^ Holdsworth 2008.
^ Davies 2001, hlm. 155–156.
^ ^a ^b ^c ^d ^e ^f ^g ^h ⁱ ^j ^k ^l ^m ⁿ ^o ^p ^q ^r ^s ^t DoS 2012.
^ https://www.theguardian.com/world/2011/apr/06/myth-of-polish-cavalry-charge
^ Wieliński 2011.
^ Buszko 1986, hlm. 362–369.
^ Biskupski 2003, hlm. 214–215.
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^ Czubiński 2009, hlm. 55–56.
^ Kozaczuk & Straszak 2004.
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^ Brzoza & Sowa 2009, hlm. 693.
^ Davies 2001, hlm. 68–69.
^ Davies 2005b, hlm. 326–346.
^ ^a ^b ^c Czubiński 2009, hlm. 226.
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^ ^a ^b ^c Kemp-Welch 2008, hlm. 4–5.
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^ Snyder 2009.
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^ Brzoza & Sowa 2009, hlm. 694–695.
^ Domagalik 2011.
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^ USHMM: & Polish victims.
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^ Berghahn 1999, hlm. 32.
^ Naimark 2010, hlm. 91; Snyder 2010, hlm. 126, 146–147, 415.
^ Kemp-Welch 2008, hlm. 157–163.
^ ^a ^b ^c Brzoza & Sowa 2009, hlm. 696.
^ ^a ^b Brzoza & Sowa 2009, hlm. 695.
^ Snyder, Timothy, The Reconstruction of Nations, Yale University Press, 2004
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^ Matthew J. Gibney, Randall Hansen, Immigration and Asylum: From 1900 to the Present, 2005, p. 197, ISBN 1-57607-796-9, ISBN 978-1-57607-796-2
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^ Spieler, Silke. ed. Vertreibung und Vertreibungsverbrechen 1945–1948. Bericht des Bundesarchivs vom 28. Mai 1974. Archivalien und ausgewählte Erlebnisberichte. Bonn: Kulturstiftung der deutschen Vertriebenen. (1989). ISBN 3-88557-067-X. Pages 23–41
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^ Kemp-Welch 2008, hlm. 177–180.
^ Kemp-Welch 2008, hlm. 180–198.
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Zubrzycki, Geneviève (15 September 2006). The Crosses of Auschwitz: Nationalism And Religion in Post-communist Poland. Chicago: University of Chicago Press. ISBN 978-0-226-99304-1. Diakses tanggal 5 April 2012.

Pranala luar

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Artikel bertopik sejarah ini adalah sebuah rintisan. Anda dapat membantu Wikipedia dengan mengembangkannya.

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[4] Davies 2001, hlm. 128.

[5] Zgórniak, Łaptos & Solarz 2006, hlm. 409–410.

[Jak_Polacy_i_Rosjanie_młócą_historię-6] Zasuń 2009.

[7] Czubiński 2009, hlm. 26.

[Zgórniak_455–465-8] Zgórniak, Łaptos & Solarz 2006, hlm. 455–465.

[9] Lukowski & Zawadzki 2006, hlm. 247–248, 251–252.

[Heart_127-129-10] Davies 2001, hlm. 127–129.

[Brzoza_Sowa_361–365-11] Brzoza & Sowa 2009, hlm. 361–365.

[12] Zgórniak, Łaptos & Solarz 2006, hlm. 412–413.

[Zgórniak_422–425-13] Zgórniak, Łaptos & Solarz 2006, hlm. 422–425.

[14] Lukowski & Zawadzki 2006, hlm. 252–253.

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[playground_319-320-16] Davies 2005b, hlm. 319–320.

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[Stalin_million_troops-19] Holdsworth 2008.

[Heart_155-156-20] Davies 2001, hlm. 155–156.

[Department_of_State-21] ^ ^a ^b ^c ^d ^e ^f ^g ^h ⁱ ^j ^k ^l ^m ⁿ ^o ^p ^q ^r ^s ^t DoS 2012.

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[Czubiński_226-33] Czubiński 2009, hlm. 226.

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[playground_344-346-39] Davies 2005b, hlm. 344–346.

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[Brzoza_Sowa_693–694-41] Brzoza & Sowa 2009, hlm. 693–694.

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[playground_337-343-44] Davies 2005b, hlm. 337–343.

[45] Buszko 1986, hlm. 389–390.

[46] Davies 2001, hlm. 73–75.

[Kochanski_425-426-47] Kochanski 2012, hlm. 425–426.

[Buszko_394-395-48] Buszko 1986, hlm. 394–395.

[49] Czubiński 2009, hlm. 250.

[50] Brzoza & Sowa 2009, hlm. 650–663.

[Poland_under_Communism_4-5-51] Kemp-Welch 2008, hlm. 4–5.

[52] Brzoza 2001, hlm. 386–387, 390.

[53] Davies 2001, hlm. 75, 104–105.

[Poland_under_Communism_1-54] Kemp-Welch 2008, hlm. 1.

[55] Snyder 2009.

[56] Buszko 1986, hlm. 398–401.

[Poland_under_Communism_6-7-57] Kemp-Welch 2008, hlm. 6–7.

[Brzoza_Sowa_694-695-58] Brzoza & Sowa 2009, hlm. 694–695.

[Polskosc_nosze_z_soba_w_plecaku-59] Domagalik 2011.

[Herausforderung_Bevölkerung_Part_6-60] Haar 2007, hlm. 267.

[Polish_victims-61] USHMM: & Polish victims.

[Brzoza_Sowa_695-696-62] Brzoza & Sowa 2009, hlm. 695–696.

[63] Czubiński 2009, hlm. 215–217.

[64] Berghahn 1999, hlm. 32.

[65] Naimark 2010, hlm. 91; Snyder 2010, hlm. 126, 146–147, 415.

[Poland_under_Communism_157-163-66] Kemp-Welch 2008, hlm. 157–163.

[Brzoza_Sowa_696-67] Brzoza & Sowa 2009, hlm. 696.

[Brzoza_Sowa_695-68] Brzoza & Sowa 2009, hlm. 695.

[69] Snyder, Timothy, The Reconstruction of Nations, Yale University Press, 2004

[70] Motyka, Grzegorz, Od rzezi wołyńskiej do akcji "Wisła", 2011, pages 447-448

[71] Buszko 1986, hlm. 410–411.

[Brzoza_Sowa_694-72] Brzoza & Sowa 2009, hlm. 694.

[73] Kolko & Kolko 1972, hlm. 188.

[74] Buszko 1986, hlm. 408–410.

[75] Die deutschen Vertreibungsverluste. Bevölkerungsbilanzen für die deutschen Vertreibungsgebiete 1939/50. Herausgeber: Statistisches Bundesamt - Wiesbaden. - Stuttgart: Verlag W. Kohlhammer, 1958 Pages 38 and 45

[76] Philipp Ther, Deutsche Und Polnische Vertriebene: Gesellschaft und Vertriebenenpolitik in SBZ/ddr und in Polen 1945-1956, 1998, p.56, ISBN 3-525-35790-7: From June until mid July, Polish military and militia expelled nearly all people from the districts immediately east of the rivers [Oder–Neisse line]

[FOOTNOTEKamusella200427-77] Kamusella 2004, hlm. 27.

[Gibney197-78] Matthew J. Gibney, Randall Hansen, Immigration and Asylum: From 1900 to the Present, 2005, p. 197, ISBN 1-57607-796-9, ISBN 978-1-57607-796-2

[79] Naimark, Russian in Germany. p. 75 reference 31:" a citation from the Plenum of the Central Committee of the Polish Workers Party, May 20–21, 1945."

[FOOTNOTEKamusella200426-80] Kamusella 2004, hlm. 26.

[81] Spieler, Silke. ed. Vertreibung und Vertreibungsverbrechen 1945–1948. Bericht des Bundesarchivs vom 28. Mai 1974. Archivalien und ausgewählte Erlebnisberichte. Bonn: Kulturstiftung der deutschen Vertriebenen. (1989). ISBN 3-88557-067-X. Pages 23–41

[82] Polski w XX wieku / Andrzej Gawryszewski. Warszawa : Instytut Geografii i Przestrzennego Zagospodarowania im. Stanisława Leszczyckiego PAN, 2005. Page 312

[83] Langenbacher 2009, hlm. 59–60.

[Poland_under_Communism_23-24-84] Kemp-Welch 2008, hlm. 23–24.

[85] Radzilowski 2007, hlm. 223–225.

[86] Snyder 1999; Snyder 2003, hlm. 179–203.

[Snyder_204-205-87] Snyder 2003, hlm. 204–205.

[88] Zaremba 2011.

[Buszko_410-89] Buszko 1986, hlm. 410.

[90] Prażmowska 2011, hlm. 191.

[91] Buszko 1986, hlm. 410, 414–417.

[92] Buszko 1986, hlm. 406–408.

[Poland_under_Communism_8-93] Kemp-Welch 2008, hlm. 8.

[Zamoyski_369-370-94] Zamoyski 1994, hlm. 369–370.

[Dzień_Żołnierzy_Wyklętych-95] Wroński 2013.

[Zdobycie_władzy-96] Leszczyński 2013.

[Po_wojnie_światowej_wojna_domowa-97] Daszczyński 2013.

[98] Prażmowska 2011, hlm. 192.

[Poland_under_Communism_9-99] Kemp-Welch 2008, hlm. 9.

[Buszko_417-425-100] Buszko 1986, hlm. 417–425.

[Sowa_178-179-101] Sowa 2011, hlm. 178–179.

[Ost_Solidarity_36-38-102] Ost 1990, hlm. 36–38.

[Buszko_442-445-103] Buszko 1986, hlm. 442–445.

[Poland_under_Communism_18,_39-104] Kemp-Welch 2008, hlm. 18, 39.

[Lukowski_285-286-105] Lukowski & Zawadzki 2006, hlm. 285–286.

[Poland_under_Communism_18-106] Kemp-Welch 2008, hlm. 18.

[Buszko_398-399,_407-107] Buszko 1986, hlm. 398–399, 407.

[Poland_under_Communism_40-108] Kemp-Welch 2008, hlm. 40.

[Poland_under_Communism_66-68-109] Kemp-Welch 2008, hlm. 66–68.

[110] Prażmowska 2011, hlm. 194–195.

[Lukowski_286-292-111] Lukowski & Zawadzki 2006, hlm. 286–292.

[Poland_under_Communism_39-48,_63-112] Kemp-Welch 2008, hlm. 39–48, 63.

[playground_434-113] Davies 2005b, hlm. 434.

[Poland_under_Communism_24-26-114] Kemp-Welch 2008, hlm. 24–26.

[115] Buszko 1986, hlm. 434–440.

[Poland_under_Communism_12-16-116] Kemp-Welch 2008, hlm. 12–16.

[Poland_under_Communism_27,_39-117] Kemp-Welch 2008, hlm. 27, 39.

[Poland_under_Communism_35-39-118] Kemp-Welch 2008, hlm. 35–39.

[119] Prażmowska 2011, hlm. 195, 196.

[Stelmachowski_22,_189-120] Stelmachowski 2011, hlm. 22, 189.

[121] Lukowski & Zawadzki 2006, hlm. 282.

[Poland_under_Communism_21-22-122] Kemp-Welch 2008, hlm. 21–22.

[Ziemia_dla_chłopów-123] Kesalahan pengutipan: Tag <ref> tidak sah; tidak ditemukan teks untuk ref bernama Ziemia dla chłopów

[Główny_propagator_kapitalizmu-124] Wasilewski 2012a.

[Ostatni,_chłopi_nowoczesnej_Europy-125] Bogucka 2013.

[Poland_under_Communism_26,_32-35-126] Kemp-Welch 2008, hlm. 26, 32–35.

[Poland_under_Communism_63-127] Kemp-Welch 2008, hlm. 63.

[Poland_under_Communism_68-75-128] Kemp-Welch 2008, hlm. 68–75.

[Poland_under_Communism_76-86-129] Kemp-Welch 2008, hlm. 76–86.

[Poland_under_Communism_86-92-130] Kemp-Welch 2008, hlm. 86–92.

[Stelmachowski_24–25-131] Stelmachowski 2011, hlm. 24–25.

[Poland_under_Communism_96-104-132] Kemp-Welch 2008, hlm. 96–104.

[Poland_under_Communism_116-123-133] Kemp-Welch 2008, hlm. 116–123.

[Stelmachowski_26-134] Stelmachowski 2011, hlm. 26.

[Poland_under_Communism_80,_101-135] Kemp-Welch 2008, hlm. 80, 101.

[Stelmachowski_36-136] Stelmachowski 2011, hlm. 36.

[137] Prażmowska 2011, hlm. 198–200.

[Poland_under_Communism_59-60-138] Kemp-Welch 2008, hlm. 59–60.

[Snyder_218-222-139] Snyder 2003, hlm. 218–222.

[Poland_under_Communism_124-143-140] Kemp-Welch 2008, hlm. 124–143.

[Stelmachowski_33-141] Stelmachowski 2011, hlm. 33.

[playground_I_15-16-142] Davies 2005a, hlm. 15–16

[Poland_under_Communism_148-163-143] Kemp-Welch 2008, hlm. 148–163.

[Poland_under_Communism_163-171-144] Kemp-Welch 2008, hlm. 163–171.

[145] Prażmowska 2011, hlm. 203.

[Poland_under_Communism_177-180-146] Kemp-Welch 2008, hlm. 177–180.

[Poland_under_Communism_180-198-147] Kemp-Welch 2008, hlm. 180–198.

[Poland_under_Communism_198-206-148] Kemp-Welch 2008, hlm. 198–206.

[Poland_under_Communism_206-212-149] Kemp-Welch 2008, hlm. 206–212.

[150] Prażmowska 2011, hlm. 205.

[Poland_under_Communism_212-223-151] Kemp-Welch 2008, hlm. 212–223.

[Poland_under_Communism_228-229-152] Kemp-Welch 2008, hlm. 228–229.

[Poland_under_Communism_229-236-153] Kemp-Welch 2008, hlm. 229–236.

[Poland_under_Communism_237-268-154] Kemp-Welch 2008, hlm. 237–268.

[Poland_under_Communism_269-272-155] Kemp-Welch 2008, hlm. 269–272.

[Stelmachowski_44–45-156] Stelmachowski 2011, hlm. 44–45.

[Stelmachowski_52-157] Stelmachowski 2011, hlm. 52.

[Stelmachowski_47-158] Stelmachowski 2011, hlm. 47.

[Poland_under_Communism_272-301-159] Kemp-Welch 2008, hlm. 272–301.

[Poland_under_Communism_302-307-160] Kemp-Welch 2008, hlm. 302–307.

[Poland_under_Communism_307-325-161] Kemp-Welch 2008, hlm. 307–325.

[Stelmachowski_53-162] Stelmachowski 2011, hlm. 53.

[Poland_under_Communism_325-331-163] Kemp-Welch 2008, hlm. 325–331.

[playground_II_xxiii-164] ^ ^a ^b ^c ^d ^e ^f Davies 2005b, hlm. xxiii

[Poland_under_Communism_332-360-165] Kemp-Welch 2008, hlm. 332–360.

[Stelmachowski_57-166] Stelmachowski 2011, hlm. 57.

[Poland_under_Communism_361-405-167] Kemp-Welch 2008, hlm. 361–405.

[Stelmachowski_58-99-168] Stelmachowski 2011, hlm. 58–99.

[Stelmachowski_99–113-169] Stelmachowski 2011, hlm. 99–113.

[Stelmachowski_115–123-170] Stelmachowski 2011, hlm. 115–123.

[Poland_under_Communism_391-427-171] Kemp-Welch 2008, hlm. 391–427.

[Historia_polityczna_42-51-172] Dudek 2007, hlm. 42–51.

[Stelmachowski_125–130-173] Stelmachowski 2011, hlm. 125–130.

[Stelmachowski_133–134-174] Stelmachowski 2011, hlm. 133–134.

[Stelmachowski_138-175] Stelmachowski 2011, hlm. 138.

[Stelmachowski_136–143-176] Stelmachowski 2011, hlm. 136–143.

[Stelmachowski_124-177] Stelmachowski 2011, hlm. 124.

[Stelmachowski_152–156-178] Stelmachowski 2011, hlm. 152–156.

[playground_517-179] Davies 2005b, hlm. 517.

[Snyder_40-41,_64-65,_68-69-180] Snyder 2003, hlm. 40–41, 64–65, 68–69.

[Heart_145-181] Davies 2001, hlm. 145.

[playground_311-182] Davies 2005b, hlm. 311.

[183] Zgórniak, Łaptos & Solarz 2006, hlm. 379, 394–396.

[Brzoza_Sowa_518-184] Brzoza & Sowa 2009, hlm. 518.

[Overy_236_map-185] Overy 2010, hlm. 236.

[Poland_under_Communism_1-3-186] Kemp-Welch 2008, hlm. 1–3.

[Kresowianie_nie_mieli_wyboru-187] Maciorowski 2010.

[188] Kochanski 2012, hlm. 537–541.

[Norman_Davies_1939-189] Kalicki 2009.

[Polacy_wobec_Holocaustu-190] Leszczyński 2012.

[Snyder_89-191] Snyder 2003, hlm. 89.

[Poland_under_Communism_23-192] Kemp-Welch 2008, hlm. 23.

[Poland_under_Communism_18,_64-65-193] Kemp-Welch 2008, hlm. 18, 64–65.

[Poland_under_Communism_57-59,_187,_196-194] Kemp-Welch 2008, hlm. 57–59, 187, 196.

[195] Snyder 2010, hlm. 128.

[196] Sharp 1977.

[Snyder_179-187-197] Snyder 2003, hlm. 179–187.

[198] Davies 2001, hlm. 286–287.

[199] Gella 1989, hlm. 182.

[Poland_under_Communism_114-116-200] Kemp-Welch 2008, hlm. 114–116.

[Gwałt_i_ratunek-201] Kesalahan pengutipan: Tag <ref> tidak sah; tidak ditemukan teks untuk ref bernama Gwałt i ratunek

[202] Czubiński 1988, hlm. 46–47.

[Rozliczanie_piłsudczyków-203] Wasilewski 2012b.

[Kirchmayer_381-396-204] Kirchmayer 1970, hlm. 381–396.

[The_Warsaw_Rising:_Was_it_all_worth_it?-205] J.P. 2010.

[The_Warsaw_Rising_1944:_Perception_and_Reality-206] Chodakiewicz 2004.

[Poland_under_Communism_193-207] Kemp-Welch 2008, hlm. 193.

[Poland_under_Communism_215-208] Kemp-Welch 2008, hlm. 215.

[Snyder_143-152-209] Snyder 2003, hlm. 143–152.

[Kochanski_29-210] Kochanski 2012, hlm. 29.

[211] Czubiński 1988, hlm. 78–87.

[Polska_urojona-212] Kesalahan pengutipan: Tag <ref> tidak sah; tidak ditemukan teks untuk ref bernama Polska urojona

[213] Czubiński 2009, hlm. 218, 226.

[Okupacja_ktorej_nie_bylo-214] Leszczyński 2015.

[TINA_to_fałsz-215] Kuczyński 2014.

[216] Brzoza 2001, hlm. 368.

[Davies_Acta_Iaponica_Heritage-217] Davies 1986, hlm. 79–87.

[Krwawe_strajki-218] Pietka 2016.

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